Ethiopia and Horn of Africa Migration: Push or Pull?

In a theory of migration, the forces that cause people to move around the globe can be seen as either push or pull forces. At present the world is very concerned with defining the forces that drive human movement in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. What extreme circumstances would make Ethiopian young people undertake the dangerous and difficult journey from Ethiopia to distant countries as undocumented immigrants?

Compelling forces that pull people to move from one place to another include simply when people seek change in their lives, or when they would like to experience a new culture. It can also include pursuing better opportunities like work or service in other parts of the world. The forces that push people to move from one place to another are fundamentally different. They occur due to the forceful pressure of human will. This pressure might come in the form of psychological, emotional or physical imposition. War, political oppression, severe poverty, social and cultural marginalization or religious persecution are examples of push factors to migrate.

We have seen an increase in migration through the years as parts of the globe experience rapid growth and modernization. The contributing factors to this migration will necessarily vary from case to case and country by country.

An estimated 2,323 million people around the world currently live away from their homes. More than 25 million Indians and around 7 million South Koreans live away from their homelands. It is believed that 3 to 6 million United States citizens live outside of their country at any given time. Interestingly, the US has also become the chosen destination of millions of immigrants from all parts of the world. More than 3 per cent of the global population lives outside of their native country at present.

Migration in the Ethiopian and Horn of Africa context are characterized by economic and political pushers. Let’s look more closely at some of these factors to more clearly understand the current migration crisis in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa at large.

The Ethiopian government has maintained a claim of double digit growth for the last decade while the number of young migrants has increased year after year. In any real world situation when a country experiences exponential growth gainful employment and income must also increase. If this were truly the case then you would expect to see the numbers of undocumented migrants decrease. It is difficult to eliminate migration all together, but it would have to decrease if economic opportunity were to increase. The truth is that there must be something wrong with how this growth has translated for the working youth.

The unemployment rate is expectedly high in Horn of Africa countries, especially in Ethiopia and Djibouti. For example Djibouti registered unemployment at 60 percent which is the highest from Horn of Africa countries and one of the highest in the world. The irony is that Ethiopia and Eritrea report better employment rates than some of the countries young people are trying to emigrate to. For example, Greece reports an unemployment rate at 26.8 percent, Spain at 24.3 percent and South Africa at 25 percent while Ethiopia reports an unemployment rate at only 17.5 percent and surprisingly Eritrea at 8.6 percent which is among the lowest unemployment rates in the world. As we can see the unemployment rate is not always one of the obvious indicators of migration from Horn of Africa countries. It is more likely uncertainty about the future and low income which spurs migration.

Another big problem for young Ethiopians, especially those who reside in the Capital City of Addis Ababa and other major cities, is the negative psychological impact of the ‘glitz economy. Countries which experience ‘glitz type growth can’t meet the economic needs of young people because the gap between demand and supply is too broad. Young people unfairly see new recreation centers, new homes and new hotels but they can’t afford them. They see luxurious cars but they can’t even afford taxis or buses and the like. This dilemma can damage the psychology of the new generation and as a result they may wish to escape to a world where opportunities are accessible. So again, this type of growth might be a reason for young people to make the dangerous journey abroad.

A big push factor for young people is expectations of parents and extended family. Since poverty is a social problem in the Horn of Africa one of the main pushes for Ethiopian young people is the need to support themselves and their extended families. There is no social welfare system or support for the young or aged from the government. Parents will expect care from their children once they have grown. The saddening fact for young Ethiopian people who are eager to work is that they don’t have opportunity enough to meet their need. This reality puts pressure on them to sacrifice their safety in order to help their families to survive.

When we talk about family responsibility women are at great risk to destitution by migration. We see millions of young Ethiopian women emigrating to Arab Gulf countries to be housemaids. Aware of low wages, physical abuse and sexual harassment they still choose to take risks and make sacrifices for their loved ones. Men are also at great risk to destitution by migration. We see millions of young Ethiopian men emigrating to European countries in search of opportunity. Many young Ethiopian and Eritrean men have risked their lives on the treacherous deserts of the Middle East and smuggler ships of the Mediterranean Sea in order to find economic opportunity abroad.

In general, the economic pushers in this region can be seen as one of the major factors for young people to leave their country and make the dangerous journey of an undocumented migrant.

Political push, like economic push, is one of the major factors for Ethiopia and Horn of Africa migration. In fact, it is often hard to distinguish a clear difference between the economic and political pushers in the Ethiopian context as you will see. More worryingly, economic opportunities are often withheld or unavailable for many citizens due to political interference.

During a recent political debate in Ethiopia, Foreign Minister Dr. Tedros Adhanom commented that Ethiopian migration is recently regarded as a “world phenomenon”, coming back with the reply that “migration happens everywhere”. While I agree that migration happens everywhere, my argument is that the forces behind migration have to be examined. In the case of the US and other wealthy countries, the main forces of migration are characterized by a willingness or choice to migrate. For example, some people live abroad for military service, some for humanitarian work and some to teach English in Asia or the Middle East. In the case of Ethiopia and other poor countries, however, the main forces of migration are characterized by the fear of an uncertain future and a lack of freedom. In the least, the Ethiopian government should examine these forces more carefully.

On the same stage, Dr. Tedros expressed that one of the main reason for the increase in emigration is the get rich quick attitude of the new generation. He gave the example of a group of 66 young people living in Kenya who contributed 4.2 Million Birr to travel to another country. I have many problems with this negative characterization of young Ethiopian entrepreneurs. A more likely scenario is that young people are desperate because the government has monopolized business operations throughout the country. They get no support from the government in the form of business loans and other investment incentives or subsidies are non-existent. If the market were free and young people had access to loans or government support for business, then they wouldn’t leave the country to try and get rich quick.

In Ethiopia and Eritrea the national economy is actually supported by the contribution of monies transferred to family members from young people living abroad. In fact, the Eritrean economy is highly dependent on remittance at the national level. It seems these governments even purposefully push for migration for just such economic gain. In Ethiopia, instead of being advocates of worker’s rights government backed agencies actually sell workers to Arab Countries in exchange for ongoing support. Moreover, instead of being advocates of migrant’s rights corrupt government backed agencies actually work together with human traffickers to collect fees for illegal immigration.

There is enormous evidence that the Ethiopian government violates human rights. Young people are one of the targeted victims through repression of freedom of expression and the free flow of ideas. This social reality can be seen as one of the main reasons for migration. Political migration began in Ethiopia during the Derg Regime during a period called the Red Terror. Many young Ethiopians fled the country to escape the emerging Socialist-Military Government in the 1980s. We have seen the numbers of asylum seekers and refugees in foreign countries increase since the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) came to power in 1991.

Many studies show that there is a very high occurrence of ‘brain drain in Ethiopia today more than ever. The national symposium of Ethiopia Diaspora presented that in the past decade Ethiopia has lost a shocking 75 percent of its trained professionals. Mostly, physicians, engineers and scientists leave Ethiopia to seek asylum in developed countries. The government is saying that this is happening as a result of people pursuing better lives in homes outside of Ethiopia. The truth is, however, that these professionals are pursuing careers outside of their chosen paths and they do not work in their related professions. Some of the physicians are taxi drivers, some engineers are waitress and the like in the countries they live in. If there were a better political environment in Ethiopia there is no doubt that this shocking figure would significantly decrease and those professionals would serve their country.

Ethiopian young people do not have confidence in their government enough to wait for a better future. The hope to change an unwanted government by ballot box is almost unthinkable for many young Ethiopians. There is no doubt that this will have a negative impact on their dreams and future planes. In the recent 2015 election, preliminary reports show that the EPRDF and its local ethnic party partners swept the country with a 100 percent win. These results clearly show that Ethiopia is not experiencing democracy. Such results would never happen in a country building genuine democracy. Election site results show just such realities.

The evidence is seen below where I have translated it to English. In the Sodo Region of Southern Ethiopia one Mr. Hilemariam Desalegn ran. Mr. Desalegn is the current Prime Minister and the current Head of the ruling EPRDF party. See the election results for yourself below.

Serial Number Name of Candidate Number of Votes Rank
1 Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn 46,154 1
2 Artist Desta Dea Gojele 2 2
3 Mr. Kagnu Seba Hirboro 2 2
4 Mr. Tesfaye Haile Zeke 0 4

Another sample in Southern Ethiopia resulted as this.

Serial Number Name of Candidate Number of Votes Rank
1 Aster Dawit Toshe 724 1
2 Mr. Berbane Baza Bine 0 -
3 Mr. Wochafo Sadom Salte 0 -
4 Arega Abeta Ashabo 0 -
5 Shitaye Zara Helana 0 -
6 Mr. Tekle Boranba Urke 0 -

This result, for me, is an insult to democracy. At the same time it reiterates and reaffirms the stance of the European Union Election Observation Commission led by the esteemed Ms. Ana Gomes to doubt the results of the 2015 election, or any other election in Ethiopia for that matter. The results show how their stance is appropriate and stands for justice and democracy.

In a country where there is very little hope of change through government election there is a greater push for young people to leave the country In order to pursue the barest of dreams. They might even think it better to leave the country all together since no real hope exists anywhere. With exposure to the outside world being high young people long to enjoy democracy and respect for human rights. However, in a country where opposition party members are harassed and alternative ideas are counted as the enemy, it seems inevitable that young people are decided to leave their homelands for good. Needless to say a number of studies show that the level of trust Ethiopian people have in government institutions is low and this factor can be a political push for Ethiopians to emigrate.

When we look at the number and frequency of internally displaced persons in Ethiopia we see that the condition of human rights is very bad. Due to land grabbing over a million people have been displaced. This harsh reality is directly related to government policies and it is as well a further political push.

Generally speaking, Ethiopia and Horn of Africa migration is very much characterized by the push type influence. Among these push influences it seems that even the economic pushers are highly associated with political problems either directly or indirectly. I think Ethiopians have to come together and change their government. The international community and my own country the US have to come together to support political change in Ethiopia.

I would like to thank Geletaw Zeleke for his help researching and preparing this article.

maleda times | May 31, 2015 at 12:40 am | Categories: Africa | URL: http://wp.me/p2gxmh-6UE

Ethiopian Ruling Coalition Wins Majority of Parliament Seats

William Davison, May 27

 

Ethiopia’s ruling coalition won a majority in national elections, extending its 20-year rule over Africa’s second-most populous country, the electoral board said.

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, and allied parties won all 442 of the seats counted so far in the 547-member federal parliament, Chairman Merga Bekana told reporters Wednesday in the capital, Addis Ababa. In the last election in 2010, the ruling coalition won all but one seat in the assembly.

“The election was successfully completed as scheduled with high participation of our citizens who really committed themselves to the development of democracy,” Merga said. More than 90 percent of the country’s 37 million registered voters cast their ballots in the May 24 vote, he said.

The EPRDF campaigned on its record of building infrastructure and reducing poverty rates. The economy, one of Africa’s fastest-growing, is expected to expand about 8.5 percent this year and next, according to the International Monetary Fund. Merera Gudina, a leader of the opposition Medrek party, said May 24 there had been violations across Ethiopia’s most populous region, Oromia, with security forces intimidating opposition observers.

The vote was “peaceful, calm and credible,” according to the African Union mission that monitored the election. The 29 observer teams visited 356 polling stations in all federal regions other than Afar, mission head Hifikepunye Pohamba told reporters Tuesday.

‘Enormous Success’

The European Union said it was “encouraged” the election was “largely orderly and peaceful,” while noting factors that had a “negative impact” on the electoral environment.

“Arrests of journalists and opposition politicians, closure of a number of media outlets and obstacles faced by the opposition in conducting its campaign have limited the space for open debate,” EU spokeswoman Catherine Ray said in an e-mailed statement.

The ruling coalition of four regional parties is an “enormously successful and powerful authoritarian” movement, said Terrence Lyons, an associate professor at the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia.

“Since 2005 the ruling party has vastly increased its presence throughout the countryside, while reducing political space for opposition and placing strict limits on independent media,” he said in an e-mailed response to questions.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who was competing in his first election since former premier Meles Zenawi died in 2012, leads the EPRDF. The board will release final results on June 22.

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William Davison

Ethiopia prepares for election with ruling party expecting landslide victory

William Davison,Source Africa Intelligence Media

Just days before Ethiopia goes to the polls, the Jan Meda sports field in Addis Ababa is empty of its usual hordes of joggers and footballers. Instead it is reserved for a rally by the main opposition party, Medrek. But only a couple of hundred people turn up, their orange T-shirts bearing the slogan “I vote for clean hand” almost lost in the field’s wide expanses.

Medrek’s poor showing contrasts with the campaign of the ruling party, theEthiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which uses its sway over farmers and civil servants to mobilise thousands of placard-wielding supporters all over the country.

Sunday’s election result will probably be the most predictable of any African vote this year. The EPRDF, which has won all four elections since 1995, has used a combination of carrot and stick – state-driven economic progress and pervasive societal control – to maintain support and keep its challengers in check.

The election is the first since the death in 2012 of Meles Zenawi, the architect of modern Ethiopia who ruled for 21 years, and it presents an opportunity for his low-profile successor as prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, to emerge from Zenawi’s long shadow in Africa’s second most populous country.

Desalegn told al-Jazeera this week: “This is a fledgling democracy and we say that this is a house in the making, and democracy cannot be built within a few years of time. But the thing is, we believe we are on the right track.”

Dissenting voices in Ethiopia are seemingly muted even when compared to countries such as Sudan, where the recent election suffered a low turnout after activists campaigned for a mass boycott. While critics slam the opposition’s poor organisation and inability to detail alternative policies, Medrek officials at last week’s meeting blamed the turnout on intimidation. “There is fear,” says Alemu Gobebo, who sports a bright yellow party cap.

Alemu should know. His daughter, Reeyot, a journalist, is in prison for terrorism offences. The committee to protect journalists says that, as with other jailed writers, her crime was to criticise an authoritarian government. Opposition leaders have also been victims of politicised convictions, according to Amnesty International.

Last month an activist named Getahun Abraham doused his body in petrol and set himself alight; but unlike Mohamed Bouazizi, the unemployed Tunisian whose self-immolation in December 2010 helped trigger the Arab spring, the suicide has not sparked protests in Ethiopia.

The government claims that a record 36.8 million people have registered to vote – 95% of those eligible, and a 15.3% rise on the 2010 elections. On that occasion the opposition won one seat of 547 in the national legislature and captured just 8% of the popular vote. While a less crushing defeat is expected this time, analysts are not predicting significant gains for fragmented, uninspired opponents that have wilted under the EPRDF’s glare.

Hallelujah Lulie, an Ethiopian researcher at the Institute for Security Studies, said: “There is no one simple reason ... However, the narrow political sphere, the weakened opposition and the aggressive campaign for the government by the state could be the major factors.”

Although millions of Ethiopians appreciate the EPRDF’s development achievements, including two decades of relative peace in a troubled region, there is still plenty of angst over rising living costs, corruption, poor public services and restrictions on human rights.

Yohannes Asebe, a 33-year-old electrician from Addis Ababa, says: “We are not being ruled properly. But because we don’t have any option most probably people will elect the ruling party.”

The formerly rebel EPRDF, a coalition of four regional parties, came to power in 1991 by unseating a military regime. It has only faced one significant electoral challenge, in 2005, when an opposition coalition made gains in urban areas. However, disputed results led to violence and subsequently the widespread imprisonment of Coalition for Unity and Democracy members.

Spurred into action, the EPRDF enacted laws to restrict dissent and began to solicit investment for projects such as roads, universities, low-cost apartments, hydropower dams and sugar factories. The party also reached out from its rural base to create the environment for the ongoing urban construction boom and launched a scheme to reduce soaring unemployment by funding small businesses.

Yeshi Assefa, like tens of thousands of Ethiopians every year, migrated abroad to find better-paid work. Instead, the 31-year-old was deported from Saudi Arabia in 2013 and ended up back in Addis Ababa relying on her truck driver husband.

Her luck turned with help from the government. Yeshi and 14 others now run a chicken farm after receiving training, seed capital and rent-free premises.

“Because the EPRDF government has done something for me I will vote for it,” she said in her bare office equipped with a calculator, stapler and bottle of Tippex.

Co-owner Emebet Belete added that the ruling party is “better than all the others,” referring to Ethiopia’s outgunned opposition.

Infrastructure and social services spending has helped the country’s economic growth average 10% over the past decade, according to the UN Development Programme. But while Ethiopia’s poverty rate fell from 39% to 26% between 2005 and 2013, a quarter of the country’s 100 million people still live below the UN poverty threshold of $1.25 (£0.80) a day.

Bouts of popular dissent are swiftly crushed. Around 90 miles west of Addis Ababa in Ambo, off a bustling high street, torched cars are stacked outside a police station compound. They remain there after civil unrest a year ago, when ethnic Oromo students objected to what they saw as a plan to extend Addis Ababa into Oromia state.

Security forces quashed the demonstrations, killing protesters. Naty, a 22-year-old student who withheld his surname, said violence occurred because authorities wouldn’t tolerate a peaceful protest. “People are very angry but they cannot express it – inside they are burning. They don’t allow people to exercise their democratic rights.”

At the core of the EPRDF’s rural strategy is building courts, police posts, banks, clinics and schools in rural areas and linking communities with roads, power lines and mobile phone networks. Ensuring farmers have a choice at elections ranks well below instructing them to send their kids to school, build hygienic toilets, or use fertilizers and better planting techniques.

Around 30 miles north of Addis Ababa in Oromia, Tadesse Tsegaye, 35, lives with his wife and three children among rolling fields in a compound ringed by a rock wall. A spring is a short walk away and he shares some land to grow wheat and barley. Ownership of eight cattle and a shiny steel roof on their wood hut indicates relative prosperity.

Clothes, soap and sugar are expensive and he has not been able to buy fertilizer as urged by officials, because of high prices. Still, Tadesse joined the EPRDF three years ago at an agricultural training course. “I didn’t ask to become a member; they just said that I was,” he recalled inside his hut.

On Sunday he will support a government that has provided services and infrastructure. “I will vote for the EPRDF as I know nothing about the other parties and I want the country to be peaceful."

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William Daviso
n

መጀገን- በምርጫ ቀን

(ሀብታሙ ስዩም እንደ ጻፈው)

ከወረቀቱ አናት ላይ እንዲህ ተጽፏል፡፡‹‹ለመምረጥ በሚፈልጉት ፓርቲ ምልክት ፊት ለፊት የ ‹ኤክስ› ምልክት ያድርጉ፡፡››በወረቀቱ ላይ የተደረደሩ ፓርቲዎችን ስምና ምልክታቸውን በቀስታ ቃኘ፡፡በመጀመሪያው ረድፍ አመልካች ጣት፣ሁለት ጣት ፣አምስት ጣት ….በሌላኛው ረድፍ ፈረስ፣ንብ፣አበባ …አየ፡፡አገጩን ተደግፎ ፈገግ አለ፡፡ፊት ለፊት በሚተያዩት ምልክቶች መካከል ሳይቀር ፍጥጫ ያለ መሰለው፡፡አመልካቹ ጣት ሰጋሩን ፈረስ ቀጭን ትዕዛዝ ለመስጠት የተቀሰረ አይነት ነው፡፡ሁለት እግሮቹ አየር ላይ ሁለት እግሮቹ ምድር ላይ ያለው ፈረስ ደግሞ እንጃልህ እያለ እየጎፈላ ነው፡፡ ሁለቱ ጣቶች ንቧን ይዘው ሊያልዘምዟት የቋመጡ እንደሆኑ ያሳብቅባቸዋል፡፡ንቧ  በሚጠጋ ጣት ላይ ነዝናዥ እሾኋን ለመቀብቀብ እንደ ቆረጠች አይነት ተነፋፍታለች፡፡ አምስቱ ጣቶች አበባዋን ለመቀንጠስ የሆነ አጋጣሚ ብቻ የሚፈልጉ አይነት ናቸው፡፡የአበባዋ መዝመም በጣቶቹ ውስጥ ላለመግባት እንደመሸሽ አይነት ሆነበት፡፡

‹‹ወንድሜ ቶሎ ምረጥና ቦታ ልቀቅ እንጂ ብዙ መራጮች እኮ እየጠበቁ ነው፡፡›› የሚል ድምጽ በሚስጢር ድምጽ መስጫዋ ጠባብ ክፍል የጨርቅ ግድግዳ አልፎ ተሰማው፡፡ከያዘው የሃሳብ መዋለል ራሱን አነቃና እስኪርቢቶውን አቀባበለ፡፡

‹‹ማንን ልምረጥ?›› ለራሱ አንሾካሾከ፡፡እናቱ ትዝ አሉት፡፡የብዙ አማራጮች ንግስት የተለዩ ፍልስፍናዎች ግምጃ ቤት የሆኑት እናቱ ያወሩት መሰለው፡፡

‹‹እኔ በበኩሌ አባ ዮሴፍን ብትመርጣቸው ደስ ይለኛል፡፡››

‹ማናቸው አባ ዮሴፍ›

‹‹እኚህ ከዳቦ ቤቱ ጎን ባለው ቤት ውስጥ የሚኖሩት ሰውዬ ናቸዋ፡፡››

‹‹እንዴት ነው የትምህርት ደረጃቸው?››

‹‹መቸም ከአባዱላ አያንሱም››

‹‹ከህዝብ ጋር ለመጮህ ዝግጁ ናቸው?››

‹‹ሚሰማቸው ከተገኘ!››

‹‹ለምንድነው እሳቸውን እንድመርጥ የፈለግሽው?››

‹‹እንጃ እንዴው ሳያቸው አንጀቴን ይበሉኛል፡፡ጡሮታ ከወጡ በኃላ እንቅልፍ ያላቸውም አሉ፡፡››

‹‹እና ፓርላማ እንዲገቡ የምመርጣቸው እንዲንቀለፉ ነው?››

‹‹መቸም ከዚህ የተለየ ሲያደርግ ያየነው የፓርላማ አባል የለም፡፡››

አባዮሴፍን የማይመርጥበት ምክንያት ምልክታቸውን ሳላልወደደው ነው፡፡የአባ ዮሴፍ የምርጫ ምልክት ሰባት ቁጥር ነው፡፡የመንግስት ደጋፊዎች ለምን ሰባት ቁጥርን ተጠቀምክ ሲሏቸው ‹‹ደደቢት በረሃ የገቡትን የመጀመሪያ ሰባት ታጋዮች ለማሰብ ነው ይላሉ፡፡የመንግስት ጠላቶችን በሚያገኙ ጊዜ ታሪኩን ይቀይሩታል ‹የጀግኖች ስብስብ የሆነውን ግንቦት 7ን› ለማስታወስ ነው ብለው ይሸውዳሉ፡፡እንደ እማየ ያሉትን ከቤተመንግስት  ይልቅ የቤተ ክርስቲየን ጉዳይ የሚመስጣቸውን ሰዎች ሲያገኙ ደግሞ‹ ወር በገባ በሰባት የሚውሉት ስላሶች ከጎኔ ናቸው ለማለት ነው››  ብለው አንጀት ይበላሉ፡፡

እሱ ግን ሰባት ያለበት ነገር በጤና ተጠናቆ ስለማያውቅ አልራራላቸውም፡፡ማስረጃ አቅርብ ቢባል 67ን ይጠቅሳል- ወጣት እንደ ስጦ አስፓልት  የሸፈነበትን ዓመት፡፡77ን ያነሳል- ርሃብ  እንደ ቄጠማ ትውልድ የረመረመበት አመትን፡፡87ን ያስታውሳል- አጎቱ ከነ መፈክሩ ስድስት ኪሎ በር ላይ የተደፋበትን፡፡97ን ይጠቅሳል – እሱና ወዳጆቹ ደዴሳ የከረሙበትን፡፡ዘንድሮ ደግሞ—-እንጃ እንግዲህ፡፡ብቻ ላይመርጣቸው ምሏል፡፡

አሁንም ወረቀቱ ላይ እንዳቀረቀረ ነው፡፡እስኪርቢቶውን በጣቶቹ መሃል ያሽከረክራል፡፡የምርጫ አስተባባሪው ድምጽ በድጋሚ አባነነው፡፡

‹‹ኧረ ወንድሜ ፈጠን በልና ጨርስ፡፡ብዙ ሰው እኮ አንተን ነው የሚጠብቅ፡፡››

‹‹እሺ ትንሽ ታገሰኝ…››መልሶ የምርጫ ምልክቶችን ይመረምር ገባ፡፡

‹‹ማንን ልምረጥ ?›› የእናቱ ድምጽ በድጋሚ  መጣበት፡፡

‹‹ኢህአዴግን ብትመርጥ ይሻላል፡፡››

‹አብደሻል?››

‹‹ባብድ በምን እድሌ ! ዘንድሮ እብድ እና ሰካራም ብቻ አይደል የልቡን እንዲናገር የተፈቀደለት›

‹‹ለምንድነው ኢህአዴግን የምመርጠው…?››

‹‹መረጥከውም አልመረጥከውም ጎረምሳው መንግስት ምርጫውን ማሸነፉ አይቀርም፡፡አንተ ባትመርጠው አንዳች ነገር አይጎድልበትም፡፡እንደሚባለው በየምርጫ ጣቢያው ስውር ካሜራ ካለው  ደግሞ ይሄ ውሳኔህ ኮንደሚኒየም አልባ እና ምልምል ሽብርተኛ ያደርግሃል፡፡ለበለጠ ጦስ እራስን ከማመቻቸት ‹ደስ ይበላችሁ ያው መረጥኳችሁ ብሎ ማለፍ ይሻላል፡፡እነሱ እቴ ከስልጣን ወንበር ጋር አብረው ተሰፍተው እንኳን ህዝብ ቸሩ መድሃኒያለም ሰቅስቆ የሚያነሳቸውም አይመስሉም፡፡››

‹‹እማዬ ምርጫ ጣቢያ ውስጥ ካሜራ የለም፡፡››

‹‹አትሞኝ ልጄ፡፡በሁሉም ቦታ የስለላ መሳሪያ አላቸው ፡፡ሌላው ይቅር በስልክ ምትነጋገረውን ሁሉ ጠልፈው ያዳምጣሉ፡፡ይሄን ያልኩት ካለ ማስረጃ አይደለም፡፡ባለፈው እንጀራ እየጋገርኩ ከማስረክበው ነጋዴ ጋር በስልክ እያወራሁ ነበር፡፡100 እንጀራ በ3 ብር ሂሳብ ስንት ይሆናል የሚለውን ለማስላት ያ እንከፍ ነጋዴ ግማሽ ሰዓት ፈጀበት፡፡በመሃል ሲያዳምጠን የነበረው ሰላይ ተናደደ መሰል ከየት ገባ ሳንለው በዝምታው መሃል ጥልቅ ብሎ  ‹‹አንት ደነዝ ማባዛት ሳትችል ነውንዴ ብር የምትቆጥር›› ብሎ ልብሱ እንዳይቀር አድርጎ ሞለ ጨው፡፡››

ኢህአዴግን እንዳይመርጥ የወሰነበትን ምክንያት ብዙ ነው፡፡በዚህ ሰው ጭንቅላት ውስጥ ኢህአዴግ የሚለው ቃል ከታላላቅ ስድቦች ጋር ይመሳሰልበታል፡፡በአንድ ወቅት አንድ ጓደኛው ከስድቦች ሁሉ ትልቁ ‹ባለጌ› የሚለው ነው ብሎት ነበር፡፡እንደ ጓደኛው አነጋገር ባለጌ የሚለው ቃል ውስጥ የማይወድቅ መጥፎ ድርጊት የለም፡፡ሌብነት ‹ባለጌነት› ነው፡፡ሰካራምነት ‹ባለጌነት› ነው፡፡ነውረኝነት ‹ባለጌነት› ነው፡፡ሆዳምነት፣ጨካኝነት ፣አይረቤነት ባለጌነት ነው፡፡ታሪክ አዋራጅነት፣ትውልድ ሻጭነት፣ህልም አምካኝነት ‹ባለጌነት› ነው፡፡ከብዙ አመታት በኃላ ባለጌ የሚለውን ስድብ የሚበልጥ ስድብ እንደተፈጠረ ይሄ ሰው ያምናል፡፡ያም ስም ‹ኢህአዴግ› የሚለው ቃል ነው፡፡

ኢህአዴግን ለመምረጥ የማይፈልገው ለዚሁ ነው፡፡ቢሆንም እናቱ ያሉትን ስጋት መርሳት አይቻልም፡፡ካቀረቀረበት ቀና ብሎ ዙሪያውን ቀኘ ከጠባቧ የድምጽ መስጃ ጣሪያ ላይ ካሜራ መኖር አለመኖሩን አረጋገጠ፡፡ካሜራ የለም፡፡ስለሆነም ኢህአዴግን ባለመመረጥ ውሳኔው ጸንቶ ወደ ሌሎቹ ምልክቶች አቀረቀረ፡፡

የስኪርቢቶውን ክዳን እያኘከ በዝምታ ቆየ፡፡የቱን ፓርቲ እንደሚመርጥ ግራ ገባው፡፡የእናቱ ድምጽ ዳግም ተመለሰ፡፡

‹‹የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች መጽናኛ ፓርቲን ምረጥ፡፡በምርጫ ቅስቀሳ ጊዜ ስልጣን ከያዝን የመጀመሪው ስራችን የቀድሞ ባለ ስልጣናትን ልብሳቸውን አስውቆ አርባ መግረፍ ነው ሲሉ ሰምቻለሁ፡፡››

‹‹እነሱን አልመርጣቸውም…››

‹‹ለምን?››

‹‹ ሬድዋን ሁሴንን ማን ራቁቱን ያያል፡፡ለብሶም ይዘገንነኛል፡፡››

‹‹እሺ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች ምኞት ህብረትን ምረጥ፡፡የሀገሪቱ ችግር የጓድ መንግስቱ አለመኖር ስለሆነ እሳቸው እንዲመለሱ እናደርጋለን ሲሉ ሰምቻቸዋለሁ፡፡››

‹‹እነሱንም አልመርጣቸውም፡፡››

‹‹ምን አጠፉ?››

‹‹መንግስቱ ሃ/ማሪያም እኮ አሁንም ስልጣን ላይ አለ፡፡ትንሽ ቁመትና ሞኝነት ጨመረ እንጂ ››

‹‹ምን ደህና ደህና ሰዎችን ለቃቅሞ እስር ቤት ከትቶብን አኮ ነው ለምርጫ የተቸገርነው፡፡የዘንድሮው ምርጫ እኮ መካሄድ የነበረበት ቃሊቲና ዝዋይ ነበር፡፡ባዶ የዕጣ ጥቅሎችን በትሪ ላይ እያንጓለሉ ‹‹በሉ አንዱን ምረጡ›› አይነት ጨዋታ ሆነብን እኮ፡፡ለምን የሰገሌ ህዝቦች ነጻ አውጪ ፓርቲን አትመርጥም…››

‹‹ደግሞ እሱ የትኛው ፓርቲ ነው?››

‹‹ይሄ ካሸነፍኩ የሰገሌ ህዝቦችን ከመላ ሃገሪቱ እገነጥላለሁ ያለው ነዋ፡፡››

‹‹እሱን ታዲያ በቦክስ መገንጠል እንጂ የምናባቱ ድምጽ መስጠት ነው፡፡እስቲ ወንድ የሆነ ይገነጠላታል፡፡ከሚስቱ የተኮራረፈ ሁሉ መኝታ ቤቴን ይዤ እገነጠላለሁ ሊል ምንም አልቀረውም እኮ፡፡ ሌሎች ነፍስ ያላቸው ፓርቲዎች የሉም?››

የእናቱ መልስ አይጠፋውም -አሉ፡፡ግን ቢያሸንፉም አያሸንፉም፡፡እንቅልፋሙን ፓርላማ እንቅልፍ የሚነሱ ጥሩ ምሁራን ነበሩ፡፡የተናገሩት አድማጭን ሚያሳድግ የሚሰነዝሩት ተመልካችን የሚያነቃ ጎበዝ ሊቆች ነበሩ፡፡ህዝብ በጅምላ እንዳልመከነ የሚያሳዩ ናሙናዎች አሉ፡፡ሁለት አይነት ሰዎች አሉ፡፡አንደኞቹ ከሚበልጣቸው ሊቆች  ጋር እየዋሉ እራሳቸውን ለመስተካከል የሚጥሩ፡፡ሁለተኞቹ የሚበልጣቸውን ሊቅ አሰደድደው ‹እኔ ነኝ የቀረኋችሁ ሊቅ !›የሚሉ፡፡መንግስት ከሁለተኛው ይመደባል፡፡ባለው ሃቅም ልሂቃኑ ከአጠገቡ እንዳይቀመጡ ይተጋል፡፡የምርጫ ወቅት ይሄ የመንግስት ኢያጎአዊ ጠባይ የሚገለጥበት ነው፡፡ሚሊየን ሰው ልሂቃኑን ይምረጥ ቢሊየን አውጥቶ ድምጻቸውን ይዘርፋል፡፡

‹‹እንደዚህ ከሆነ ለምን እመርጣለሁ!›› አለ በድንገት፡፡

‹‹ድምጼ የማይቆጠር -ሃሳቤ የማይከበር ከሆነ ለምን እመርጣለሁ?››

‹‹ለአለም በሚያሳዩት የሳውቅዮሽ አውጫጭኝ መሃል ለምን እዳክራለሁ?››

‹‹በባሩድና በሚታጠን በድንጋይ በሚከበብ ወር መሃል ስለምን እቆማለሁ?››

የድምጽ መስጫ ወረቀቱን አጣጥፎ በኪሱ ከተተ፡፡እስኪርቢቶውን በደረት ኪሱ ውስጥ አስገባ፡፡ከተከለለው ጠባብ የድንኳን ክፍል ሊወጣ ተሰናዳ፡፡

የእናቱ ድምጽ መጣበት

‹‹ሊቢያ ላይ የተሰውት ወጣቶች ገዳዮቻቸውን አሳፍረው ሞሞታቸውን ሰማሁ ልበል?››

‹‹አዎ እማዬ አለም እያወራበት ነው፡፡በሞት አፋፍ ላይ ሆነው ሁሉ ጠላቶቻቸው ይፈልጉት የነበረውን ፍርሃት እና ለቅሶ እና መሰበር ሳያሳዩ ማለፋቸው ብዙ ሰውን አስገርሟል፡፡››

‹‹ አየህ ቶሎ አልተገለጠልንም እንጂ – ጀግንነት ጠላትህ ከሚፈልገው ተቃራኒ ቆሞ በማሳየትም ይገለጣል፡፡አቀርቅር በሚባልበት ሰዓት ቀና ማለት ጀግንነት ነው፡፡ዝምበል በተባልክበት ሰዓት መናገር ጀግንነት ነው፡፡ቁም በተባልክበት ሰዓት መራመድ ጀግንነት ነው፡፡እርምህን አውጣ በተባልክበት ሰዓት ተስፋህን ማሳደግ ጀግንነት ነው፡፡ትልቁ ሞት ሳይሞክሩ መሞት ነው፡፡››

የድምጽ መስጫ ወረቀቱን ከኪሱ አወጣ፡፡እስኪርቢቶውን ከደረት ኪሱ መዘዘ፡፡በምልክቶቹ ላይ አይኑን አበረረ፡፡ከሆነ ምልክት ፊት ለፊት ባለው ሳጥን ውስጥ የኤክስ ምልክት አደረገ፡፡

ምልክቱን ከገዥው ፓርቲ ምልክት ፊት ለፊት አለማድረጉን ያውቃል፡፡

ባለጉም ሃሳቦች ከመሰረቷቸው ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ፊት ለፊት አለማድረጉን ያውቃል፡፡

ሲረገጡ መሬት ይዘው የሚነሱ ሊሂቃን እና ተስፋዎች የተሰባጠረው ፓርቲ ፊትለፊት ምልክት ማድረጉን ብቻ አረጋጧል፡፡የድምጽ ወረቀቱን አጣጥፎ ፈንጠር ብሎ በሚገኘው ሳጥን ውስጥ ጨመረው፡፡በር ላይ ከምርጫ አስተባባሪዎች አንዱ ‹በሰላም ነው ብዙ ጊዜ ፈጀብህ እኮ ….›› ሲል ስሞታ አቀረበበት፡፡

‹‹አንዳንዴ ለመጀገን ጊዜ ይፈጃል›› ብሎት ከምርጫ ጣቢያው ራቀ፡፡

Ethiopia: Onslaught on human rights ahead of elections

The run-up to Ethiopia’s elections on Sunday has been marred by gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of ordinary Ethiopians’ human rights, says Amnesty International.

“The lead-up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

The Ethiopian authorities have jailed large numbers of members of legally registered opposition political parties, journalists, bloggers and protesters. They have also used a combination of harassment and repressive legislation to repress independent media and civil society.

In the run-up to Sunday’s elections, opposition political party members report increased restrictions on their activities. The Semayawi (Blue) Party informed Amnesty International that more than half of their candidates had their registration cancelled by the National Electoral Board. Out of 400 candidates registered for the House of Peoples Representatives, only 139 will be able to stand in the elections.

On 19 May, Bekele Gerba and other members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)-Medrek were campaigning in Oromia Region when police and local security officers beat, arrested and detained them for a couple of hours.

On 12 May, security officers arrested two campaigners and three supporters of the Blue Party who were putting up campaign posters in the capital Addis Ababa. They were released on bail after four days in detention.

In March, three armed security officers in Tigray Region severely beat Koshi Hiluf Kahisay, a member of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (EFDUD) Arena-Medrek. Koshi Hiluf Kahisay had previously received several verbal warnings from security officials to leave the party or face the consequences.

In January, the police violently dispersed peaceful protesters in Addis Ababa during an event organized by the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ). Police beat demonstrators with batons, sticks and iron rods on the head, face, hands and legs, seriously injuring more than 20 of them.

At least 17 journalists, including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Wubishet Taye, have been arrested and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP), and sentenced to between three and 18 years in prison. Many journalists have fled to neighboring countries because they are afraid of intimidation, harassment and attracting politically motivated criminal charges.

Civil society’s ability to participate in election observation has been restricted under the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) to only Ethiopian mass based organizations aligned with the ruling political party.

Amnesty International calls on the Africa Union Election Observation Mission (AU EOM) currently in Ethiopia to assess and speak to the broader human rights context around the elections in both their public and private reporting. It also calls on the AU EOM to provide concrete recommendations to address the gross, systematic and widespread nature of violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly which have undermined the right to participate in public affairs freely and without fear.

“The African Union’s election observers have a responsibility to pay attention to human rights violations specific to the elections as well as more broadly,” said Wanyeki. “The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights protects the right of Ethiopians to freely participate in their government. This right has been seriously undermined by violations of other civil and political rights in the lead-up to the elections.”

Background

Amnesty International has been monitoring, documenting and reporting on the human rights situation in Ethiopia for more than four decades.

Since the country’s last elections in 2010, the organization has documented arbitrary and politically motivated arrests and detentions, torture and other ill-treatment, as well as gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association.

For more information and to request an interview, please contact:

Mildred Ngesa – Regional Press Officer, Amnesty International – mildred.ngesa@amnesty.org  / Tel +254 20 4283020 

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