Thursday, April 2, 2015

The Germanwings disaster All latest updates Answers emerge



 እረዳት አብራሪ ሀይለመድህን አበራ ኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ ንብት የሆነውን Boeng 767-300  17Feb 214 ዋናው  አብራሪ  ለእረፍት በዎጣበት ጊዜ ኩክፒት(cock pit) ከዎሥጥ በቆለፍ የበረራውን አቅጣጫ በማሥቀየር በመንገደኞች ላይ ምንአይነት የሥነልቦናም ሆነ የህይዎት ጉዳት ሳያደርሥ  አውሮፕላኑን  ሲውዘረላንድ  ጀኔቭ  በሰላም በማሳረፍ ጥገኝነት በመጠየቁ ምራብዊያን ሥለረዳት አብራሪ ሀይለመድህን አበራ ብዙ ብለው ነበር ለምሳሌ የአዕምሮ በሽተኛ ሊሆን ይችላል የሚል ከተሰጦት መሰረተ ቢስ አሥተያየቶች መካከል ይገኝበታል ነገር በተመሳሳይ ከአንድ አመት በሆላ  24March 2015 እረዳት አብራሪ ብሪስ ሮቢን(c0_pilot Brice Robin) ንብትረትነቱ የሉፍታዛ አየር መንገድ (Lufthansa airway) ኤር በስ(airnus )A320  የበረራ ቁጥር(Flight No.) 9252 የሆነውን እረዳት አብራሪ ብሪሲ ሮቢን (Brice Robin)ሆን ብሎ ዝቅ ብሎ ባማብረር አውሮፕላኑ  ከአልፕስ (Alps)ተራራ በጋጨቱ  በጉዞ ላይ የነበሩት 150  ተጓዥዎች በሙሉ ሞተዋል፣ ፍርድ ለናንተ ዎገኖቸ ማነው የአዕምሮ በሽተኛ?





French investigators say that the co-pilot deliberately brought down a plane in the Alps that killed all 150 on board
| Business and finance


THE final few minutes on board Germanwings flight 9252 are too horrific to contemplate. The passenger jet operated by Lufthansa’s low-cost subsidiary crashed in the French Alps on March 24th, killing all 150 people on board. The Airbus A320, en route from Barcelona to Düsseldorf, had reached cruising altitude before making a sudden and seemingly inexplicable eight-minute descent that ended in the aircraft colliding with a remote mountainside. The victims, mainly Germans and Spaniards, included a party of 16 schoolchildren and two babies. Two days later, after recovering one of the plane’s “black boxes” that made a recording in the cockpit, French accident investigators made the awful discovery that the plane had been deliberately crashed by the co-pilot.

Brice Robin, the Marseilles prosecutor investigating the crash, said that Andreas Lubitz, a 28-year-old German, had taken control of the plane and locked the pilot out of the plane’s cockpit after he momentarily stepped outside. Voice recordings revealed that the pilot then made increasingly frantic attempts to get back into the cockpit during the plane’s descent. The desperate cries of the passengers, who had become aware of the danger, could be heard in the final moments before the plane came down. Though the co-pilot said nothing during the plane’s final moments his breathing—described as “normal” —could be heard until the end, indicating that he was well aware of what he was doing.

Mr Robin added that although the descent was reasonably controlled it had not been necessary. Still, he said, there was “no element that indicates that this is a terrorist action”. The prosecutor went on to say that he could not call the co-pilot’s actions suicide, but that it was a “legitimate question to ask”. Mr Lubitz’s state of mind and motivations will come under intense scrutiny in the days to come. And questions will undoubtedly be asked about whether airlines do enough to monitor the mental state of their most trusted employees.
The wisdom of using impregnable locks on cockpit doors will also doubtless come under review. Measures to strengthen the barrier between pilots and passengers were introduced in the aftermath of the 9/11 hijackings. Lufthansa explained that although cockpit doors on its A320s can be opened using an emergency override code, this can be rejected repeatedly from the inside. This leaves passengers vulnerable to a pilot intent on crashing his plane. Indeed, this tragedy is alarmingly similar to the one that befell Mozambique Airlines Flight TM470 in 2013, which resulted in the deaths of 33 people. Other crashes have also been blamed on deliberate actions by a pilot after a colleague had left the cockpit, including an Egypt Air flight in 1999 that killed 217, a Silk Air plane that crashed in Indonesia in 1997, killing 104, and LAM Flight 470 that came down en route between Maputo and Luanda in 2013 resulting in 33 fatalities. One of the many theories surrounding the disappearance of Malaysia Airlines flight MH370 also suggests deliberate pilot action. Whether it is safer to return to unlocked cockpits and increase the risk of hijackings is far from clear. Although of little consolation to the victims' families, thankfully both types of disaster are rare.
http://ethsat.com/video/esat-bezhi-samint-march-29-2015-mulugte-loule-ermias-legesse/

ጉዞአችን ወደ ነፃነት ነው!! መዳረሻችንም የነፃነት አደባባይ ብቻ ነው!!

ጉዞአችን ወደ ነፃነት ነው!! መዳረሻችንም የነፃነት አደባባይ ብቻ ነው!!

ጉዞአችን ወደ ነፃነት ነው!! መዳረሻችንም የነፃነት አደባባይ ብቻ ነው!!

May 27, 2015
አለማችን አንባገነን ስታስተናግድ ወያኔ የመጀመሪያው አይደለም። ዘረኛንም እንዲሁ …….. እኛም ስለነፃነት ብለን ለትግል ሰንነሳ የመጀመሪያዎቹ አይደለንም …… አለማችን እንደየዘመኑና እንደ የወቅቱ አንባገነኖች ያለ የሌለ የመሳሪያና ወታደራዊ ሀይላቸውን በመጠቀም ህዝብን በፍርሀት አሸማቀውና ረግጠው ለመግዛት ሲውተረተሩ በተደጋጋሚ ታይተዋል። በዚያው ልክ ህዝባዊ ሀይልና መመከት ተስኗቸው ሲንኮታኮቱ በተደጋጋሚ የታየ ወደፊትም አናባገነኖች እስከተከሰቱ ድረስ በህዝባዊ ሀይል ተጠራርገው መቀመቅ ሲወርዱ መታየቱ አይቀሬ ነው ። ህዝብ የወደደውን አስተዳዳሪ እንጂ ረግጦ ሊገዛው የሚፈልገውና አንባገነን ተቀብሎ አያውቅም ፤ዛሬም አልተቀበለም ፤ ነገም አይቀበልም ። ይህን በሰው ልጆች ታሪክ ውስጥ በተደጋጋሚና በጉልህ የሚታይ ግዙፍ እውነት መቼም ተቀብለውና ከታሪክ ተምረው ስለማያውቁ አሳፋሪው ውድቀታቸው በተደጋጋሚ ሲታይ አለ።
ሀገራችን የአለማችን አካል እንደመሆኗ አንባገነኖች ተፈራርቀውባታል። አንባገነኖችም በህዝባዊ ሀይል ተጠራርገውባ ታል። ከደቡብ አፍሪካ ቀጥሎ ትልቅ ወታደራዊ ሀይል የነበረው የትናንቱ ደርግ እንደ እንቧይ ካብ ሲናድ ተመልክተናል። አንባገነኖችመናገር እንጂ መስማት የማ ችሉ፤ ማየት እንጂ ማስተዋል የተሳናቸው በመሆናቸው እነሆ ዛሬም የወያኔ ዘረኛው ቡድን ህዝባ ላነሳው የነፃነትና የፍትህ ጥያቄ ያለ የሌለውን ወታደራዊ ሀይል በጠራራ ጸሀይ በማሰለፍ መቼውንም ያልተቻለ ውን ህዝብን በሀይል አሸማቆ ለመግዛት መከራውን ሲያይ ይስተዋላል። ለዚህም ነው ….. ከሌላው የሀገራችን ክልሎች ከፍ ባለ ሁኔታ የህዝባዊ እንቢተኝነት እየታየ ባለበት ጎንደርና አካባቢው በሰራዊት ማጥለቅለቅ የተያያዘው።
ለሚነሱ ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞዎችና ህዝባዊ የመብት ጥያቄዎች የሚሰጡት ምላሾች እስር፤ አፈናና ግድያ ከሆነ ህዝባዊ እንቢተኝነትን ማስከተሉ አይቀሬ ነው። በእስር ፤በአፈናና በግድያ እንዲሁም በሰራዊት ሀይል ህዝብን በማሸማቀቅ በስልጣን መቆየት የሚቻል ቢሆን ደርግም ከቤተ-መንግስት ባልወጣ፤ ወያኔም ዛሬ ከቤተ-መንግስቱ ባልተንፈልለሰ ነበር። ይህ ደግሞ ሊያስተምር በተገባ ነበር።
እስከ ዛሬ የትኛውም አንባገነን ስርአት በሚተማመንበት የወታደራዊ ሀይል አማካይነት የመንኮታኮቻቸውን ሰአት በአንድ ሰኮንድ ማዘግየት የቻለ እንደሌለ ሁሉ ወያኔም ያለ የሌለውን ወታደራዊ ሀይል ሲያርመሰምስ ውሎ ቢያድር ውድ ቀቱን በአንድ ሰኮንድ ማዘግየት እንደማይችል በተለይ እንቢ ለነፃነቴ፤ እንቢ ለሀገሬ… ብለን ለትግል የተነሳን ሀይሎች በመረ ዳት፤ ይበልጡኑ ከቅርብ ጊዜ ወዲህ እየተቀጣጠለ ያለውን ህዝባዊ እንቢተኝነት ይበልጥ እያሰፋን የጀመርነውን የነፃነት ጉዞ ከነፃነታችን አደባባይ ለማድረስ ሌት ተቀን የመስራት ሀላፊነታችናና መወጣት ይገባናል።
በጎንደር የሚታየውን የአልገዛም ባይነት ትንቅንቅ በሌሎች ክልሎችም በማቀጣጠል፤ በደብረወርቅ የታየውን የመምህራን የስራ ማቆም አድማ ወደ ሌሎች አካባቢዎች በማስፋት፤ እንደ ድምፃችን ይሰማ ሁሉ ተቃውሞን ወደ እንቢተኝነት በማሸጋ ገር …… ወዘተ የነፃነታችንን ቀን ለማቅረብ መከፈል የሚገባውን መክፈል ይገባናል።
በደርግ ል የተነሳው እንቢተኝነት እያየለ ሲመጣ ያሰለፈው ሰራዊት ወያኔን አጅቦ የደርግን ቀብር እንደቆፈረለት ሁሉ ዛሬም በወያኔ ላይ እየተቀጣጠለ የሚገኘው ህዝባዊ እንቢተኝነት እየጠነከረ በመጣ ቁጥር የደረደረው ሰራዊት የወያኔን ቀብር ቆፋሪ ከመሆኑ እንደማኢመለስ ከቅርብ ጊዜ ታሪካችን በመማር ነፃነታችንን ለማስከበር የጀመርነውን የእንቢተኝነት ትግል በ መ ላው የሀገራችን ክፍሎች በማስፋትና በማቀጣጠል አይቀሬውን የወ ኔ ቀብር ለማቅረብ በአንድነት የነፃነት ጉዞውን እንቀ ላቀል። የጀመርነው የነፃነት ጉዞ መቆሚያው የነፃነታችን አደባባይ መሆኑን በተግባር ከምናሳይበት ወቅት ላይ እንገኛለንና በአንድነት እንነሳ!!!!!
www.ginbot7.org
ኢትዮጵያ ለዘላለም ትኑር!!!!

Saturday, February 7, 2015

politics this week


The new prime minister of Greece, Alexis Tsipras, and his finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis (above left), toured Europe in search of debt relief and support against austerity. Mr Varoufakis floated a plan to replace Greek debt with bonds linked to GDP growth. For the most part, they met a dusty response; the European Central Bank stopped taking Greek government bonds as collateral. Markets were volatile but seemed hopeful that a deal would eventually be done. See article.
America and Europe prepared a new peace initiative to present to the Russians to end the war in eastern Ukraine, amid heavy fighting and more military and civilian deaths. Earlier, the pro-Russian rebel leader said he would expand his force to 100,000 men. More Russian equipment and, according to NATO, troops poured across the border. See article.
The International Court of Justice in The Hague rejected claims by both Croatia and Serbia that the other was guilty of genocide during their wars of 1991-95, when some 20,000 people were killed.
Italy’s parliament picked a new president, Sergio Mattarella, a former judge. He was the candidate of Matteo Renzi, the prime minister. By securing his choice quickly, Mr Renzi improved his chances of pushing through his reforms. See article.
Tightening the net
China stepped up controls over the internet. It is now requiring users of blogs and chat rooms to register their real names with internet providers and they must promise to avoid attacking the political system. Censors have also been trying to restrict access to “virtual private networks”, which are often used to circumvent the blocking of politically sensitive websites. See article.
Myanmar accused a senior UN official of interfering in its affairs after she had raised concerns about discrimination against members of the Muslim Rohingya minority. The Rohingya are stateless and have been the target of attacks by members of Myanmar’s Buddhist majority.
The coalition government in Australia suffered a resounding defeat in state elections in Queensland. The foreign minister, Julie Bishop, denied that she is planning to oust the prime minister, Tony Abbott, whose popularity has slumped, by mounting a challenge for the leadership of the Liberal Party.
Barbaric State
Islamic State militants broadcast their beheading of a Japanese journalist and murder of a Jordanian fighter pilot, whom they burnt alive in a cage. Jordanians, hitherto ambivalent about the bombing of Sunni jihadists, turned against the movement strongly, welcoming King Abdullah’s continued participation in the American-led coalition as well as his execution of two jailed militants in revenge. See article.
Egypt’s president deported an Australian journalist who had reported for Al Jazeera, ending his incarceration of 400 days for broadcasting “false” news. Meanwhile, Egypt’s courts jailed 230 people for anti-government activity, including a liberal activist, Ahmed Douma, who was sentenced to life in prison.
Houthi rebels who have overrun the capital of Yemen, Sana’a, refused to release the country’s president, Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi, and his cabinet from house arrest until a deal is reached on integrating the rebels into the regular army. They said that without a deal, “a revolutionary leadership” under their command would take full control. 
Forces from Chad and Cameroon backed by French planes fought their most serious battle since entering north-eastern Nigeria to suppress Boko Haram, a jihadist group. They claimed to have killed 250 militants and “wiped out” their bases near the border with Cameroon. But the fighting spilled into Cameroon, with Boko Haram reportedly killing at least 70 people in the town of Fotokol.
Petro dollars
Maria das Graças Foster, the chief executive of Petrobras, Brazil’s state-controlled oil company, resigned amid a corruption scandal centred on claims that Petrobras solicited billions of dollars in payments from construction companies, some of which were funnelled to political parties. These include the Workers’ Party, which is led by Dilma Rousseff, Brazil’s president. The lower house of Brazil’s Congress has elected as its Speaker Eduardo Cunha, who has often clashed with Ms Rousseff. See article.
In Argentina it emerged that Alberto Nisman, a prosecutor who was found dead in January, had drafted a warrant for the arrest of the president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Mr Nisman had accused the president of obstructing the investigation of the bombing of a Jewish community centre in Buenos Aires in 1994. The arrest warrant was found in a rubbish bin in his home.
Mexico’s president, Enrique Peña Nieto, ordered an investigation into conflict-of-interest allegations against him, his wife and the finance minister, Luis Videgaray. Mr Peña also backed a constitutional reform to create a set of interlocking institutions to fight corruption. See article.
Pope Francis declared that Óscar Romero, an archbishop from El Salvador who was shot dead while celebrating mass in 1980, was a martyr. This opens the way to his beatification. Earlier popes had regarded the archbishop, who was an exponent of “liberation theology”, as a Marxist.
Budget gambit
Barack Obama presented a $4 trillion budget that he said is intended “to replace mindless austerity with smart investments”. It includes plans to increase capital-gains tax for top earners from 23.8% to 28%, various levies on business and expanded tax credits for the less well-off. The Republicans who control Congress will not pass it. See article.
Just a few weeks after confounding the pundits by declaring that he was seriously interested in running for president again, Mitt Romney announced that, upon reflection and a great deal of data-crunching, he was not going to enter the race after all.
Harper Lee said she was “humbled and amazed” that her second novel would be published, 55 years after “To Kill a Mockingbird”. The new book, “Go Set a Watchman”, acts as a sequel, featuring Scout Finch as an adult woman. Ms Lee had written it prior to penning her seminal work, but the manuscript was lost for decades. She says the work is “a pretty decent effort”.




Friday, February 6, 2015

The 2015 Ethiopian Elections: Against Pessimism and Cynicism


The 2015 Elections: Against Pessimism and Cynicism

The 2015 Ethiopian Elections: Against Pessimism and Cynicism
February 5, 2015
by Maimire Mennasemay, Ph.D.
The 2015 elections
Lately, the upcoming 2015 election has been the subject of discussion among Ethiopians in the pages of EthioForum and other opinion columns. Not surprisingly, many of these discussions tend to veer towards pessimism and cynicism.
It is a foregone conclusion that the EPRDF is going to win the 2015 election. As we have seen in the 2010 election, the EPRDF has drawn poisonous lessons from its virtual defeat in 2005 and has perfected a two-pronged approach to maintain itself in power through the instrumentalization of elections. First, it has developed the art of lawful illegality transforming the law into a tool for conducting and covering government crimes. It contravenes the Constitution it penned in 1994 by taking law-coated illegal measures that flout the human, political and civil rights of Ethiopians. It has thus instituted legal and illegal roadblocks that obstruct Ethiopians and the democratic opposition from exercising their rights of expression and association. Second, the EPRDF state is a vengeful state. It has penetrated Ethiopian society with its various organizations of surveillance and control. It uses these to clobber and persecute citizens who oppose or criticize it. That there is a heavy price to be paid by all who do not submit to the will of the EPRDF and vote for it is the threat that hangs over every election the EPRDF conducts.
This double-pronged attack against Ethiopians enabled it to win all the seats but one in the 2010 election. As one could see from the increasing crackdown on the free press and on members of the opposition since then, the EPRDF has accelerated its double-barreled repression to counter the ever-intensifying Ethiopian aspiration for democracy. Indeed, the EPRDF government recognizes this aspiration in its characteristically deceitful way by paying lip service to democracy. It does so by perversely claiming that its electoral rituals of self-perpetuation in power, held every five years, are democratic elections. However, such lip service to democracy, coming from the EPRDF, is nothing but hypocrisy, which, as we know, is “the homage that vice pays to virtue”.
The EPRDF practice of elections is cynical, to say the least. In light of what appears to be then a lost cause, some are adopting a pessimistic view about the 2015 election. Others have become cynical. They claim that if the democratic opposition participates, it is going to lose; and if it does not participate, it also loses. This is a cynicism that mirrors the cynicism of the EPRDF and traps Ethiopians in a self-defeating false dilemma. I would like to argue that there is no warrant for either pessimism or cynicism despite the fact that the outcome of the 2015 elections is a foregone conclusion.
Taking Democracy seriously
The history of elections conducted under the aegis of the EPRDF conclusively shows that it does not take its own claims about democracy seriously. The democratic opposition has to demarcate itself clearly from the EPRDF by taking democracy seriously, precisely because, unlike the EPDRF, the democratic opposition honours the almost half-a-century old Ethiopian struggle for democracy. Let us us not forget that the struggle for democracy predates the EPRDF by decades. It is a struggle for which Ethiopians of all origins, beliefs and ages have shed their blood. To take democracy seriously is to affirm that their sacrifices are not in vain, and that the struggle for democracy should continue by all means. To adopt pessimism and cynicism, even under conditions that are totally inimical to the democratic process, as is the case in 2015, is to turn our back on their sacrifices; it is to be less, much less, committed to democracy than the previous generations who have given up their lives with the hope that the following generations will redeem them.
Second, if one is committed to democracy, pessimism and cynicism have no place in the politics of a country such as ours where, for the great majority, each day is a life-and-death obstacle course. True, a dispassionate consideration of the machinations of the EPRDF, of its total control of the electoral process, and of its determination to use the resources and power of the state to thwart the democratic voices of Ethiopians, is certainly depressing. But for an Ethiopian committed to the liberation of the country from tyranny, such a depression cannot be more than the expression of the “pessimism of the intellect”. A commitment to democracy in Ethiopia must subordinate this “pessimism of the intellect” to the “optimism of the will” or political wené, to use an Amharic expression.
For Ethiopians, the importance of the primacy of the “optimism of the will” over the “pessimism of the intellect” cannot be overstated. Politics for Ethiopians committed to democracy is authentically political only when it is an active and organized conviction that posits democracy as indispensable and non-negotiable. Such a politics needs an “optimism of the will” or political wené, because democratic politics is thoughtful action driven by the conviction that an alternative to the regime of tyranny is ineluctable in Ethiopia, sooner or later. Every step, every act, and every phrase in such a politics contributes to dissipating the fog of lies and repression with which the EPRDF has blanketed Ethiopia. Obviously, this implies that Ethiopians do not have the luxury nor the time to be pessimistic, defeatist, or cynical about the 2015 election. The question then is: how should the democratic opposition express its political wené or “optimism of the will” in the face of a regime that has already decided that it will win and the opposition will loose?
“In remembering the past, the future is remembered”
This remarkable Oromo aphorism (“Kan darbe yaadatani, isa gara fuula dura itti yaaddu”) offers ideas on how to respond to the challenges of participation in an election that has already been confiscated by the EPRDF. When we remember the Ethiopian past, it discloses that politics takes unforeseen historical turns and that the unexpected happens. Who foresaw the heady revolutionary days of 1974, or the ignominious collapse of the Derg in 1991, or the democratic upsurge of 2005? The Oromo aphorism suggests that the future is already gestating in the past, which means that there is no right moment to give concrete expression to the democratic future Ethiopians yearn for. The present is already the right moment, whatever the conditions may be. One cannot postpone the quest for democracy to a time when elections will be conducted fairly. First, an authoritarian regime never conducts elections fairly.
Second, precisely because of this, it is the very participation in every election that chisels down the authoritarian edifice, that patiently prepares the ground and sows the seeds for democracy, and that opens the door to unexpected events. The issue is not whether to participate or not; rather, it is how to participate in the 2015 election in a way that advances the cause of democracy in Ethiopia.
The Oromo aphorism could guide us in figuring out this how. “Remembering the future” through our “remembering of the past” draws our attention to the present moment and its relation to the future. The present confronts us with two futures: the immediate future or the days, weeks and months after the election, and the time after the immediate future. This makes us help the distinction, implicit in the Oromo aphorism, between a goal and an aim, a distinction that one also finds in contemporary critical theory. The goal deals with the immediate future; the aim deals with the eventual future we would like to bring about, in our case: democracy. Applied to the dilemma the democratic opposition parties face regarding their participation in the 2015 election, this distinction between goal and aim offers a productive solution, articulated in three parts.
First, the democratic opposition must participate in the election armed with an “optimism of the will” or political wené. Second, its campaigning must have a goal made up of objectives to be achieved in the short term. Third, it must have an aim—the eventual achievement of democracy—to which the goal must be tailored. The goal is premised on the belief that the 2015 election offers an opportunity, one among many, that must be seized for exposing the government’s machinations to thwart the democratic aspirations of Ethiopians, to obstruct their right to lead a life of dignity, and to undermines their interests to live together harmoniously as a people. Not to participate in the election is to forego this opportunity.
The goal of the campaign is then multi-faceted: it articulates publicly how the present government is divisive, corrupt, repressive, and harmful to the common good of Ethiopians; it discloses that the government opposes and persecutes Ethiopians who pursue and defend the rights and common interests of Ethiopians; it unmasks the government’s anti-democratic measures designed to prevent Ethiopians to have a political alternative and to choose freely those who govern them. There are no lacks of examples and cases to substantiate these. In addition, every repressive measure the government takes against those who during the campaign unmask its tyranny, lies and corruption will provide additional proofs of its perfidy. In short then, the goal of the campaign is to expose the destructive anti-Ethiopian nature of the EPRDF government and thereby make the electors—including its members and supporters—and the international community aware of the pernicious lust for power that makes the EPRDF work so hard to stifle the democratic aspirations of Ethiopians.
The purpose of this multi-faceted goal is to erode the will of the EPRDF. Note that, historically, regimes collapse not only because their opponents are strong but also because the regime’s will to stay in power withers away and it can no longer resist the pressure of the democratic forces. The Imperial government collapsed in 1974, and the Derg regime in 1991, not because they lacked the material force to sustain themselves, but because their will to survive melted away like butter in the sun, opening the door wide open for new forces to take power. By using the 2015 election as one opportunity among others to erode the will of the EPRDF, the opposition forces set their eyes squarely on their aim—democracy—and prepare the ground for its final triumph. They will thus enter the post-election period in a way that transmutes their defeat in 2015 into a victory for their aim—the democracy to come—while transforming the victory of the EPDRF into a political gangrene of defeat that gradually and ineluctably leaches away its will to survive.
Transforming defeat into victory
One of the implications of the Oromo aphorism is that we Ethiopians could be a great people—a people worthy of democracy—if we have the courage not to be afraid to fall down (not to be afraid of being defeated in the 2015 election, in this case) and the “courage to rise every time we fall” or are defeated. Indeed, history teaches us that where democratic forces struggle in the context of tyranny, whatever the country may be, the failure of the democratic forces to win elections is also a process that constructs the path that eventually leads to democratic success as long as the failure is a “good failure”: a failure that has fulfilled its goal to discredit the despotism in power. Such a “good failure” becomes the mole that bores through the foundations of the seemingly impregnable edifice of tyranny, sapping its will from within.
In light of the adversities Ethiopians face now, the historical task of the democratic forces is then to participate in the 2015 elections, pursue their short-term goal in support of their long-term aim, and “fail better”, to borrow the insightful words of Samuel Beckett. The democratic opposition of 2015 has to “fail better” than in 2010 by more effectively pursuing the goal of discrediting the government, both nationally and internationally, and thus constructing patiently the road that eventually leads to democracy. And, who knows? The election of 2015 could resurrect the democratic upheaval of 2005.
Note. Quoted items are from de la Rochefoucauld, Gramsci, Mengesha Rikitu, Confucius, and Beckett, respectively.




“ለልጆቼ የማይሆን ተስፋ አልነግራቸውም” የነፃነቱ ታጋይ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ January 22, 2015


Andargachew Tsige, Ginbot 7 secretaryከልጅ አያሌው
ኢትዮጵያንና የኢትዮጵያን ትግል እስከወዲያኛው ከዳር ለማድረስ ቆርጦ ልጆቼን ቤተሰቦቼን ሳይል ከራሱ በላይ በሀገሩ ፍቅር ተበልጦ የተሻለ ነው የሚለውን፣ አማራጭ የሌለውን፣ የኤርትራን ጫካ መርጦ የማይቻል የሚመስለውን ችሎ ብዙዎች ፈቀቅ ማድረግ ያቃታቸውን የመተባበር የመያያዝ በአንድ ገብቶ ለአንድ አላማ የመታገልና ኢትዮጵያን እንደቀደመው ታላቅ ሀገር የማድረግ ውጥን የተሻለና የሚያግባባ ሀሳብ በመሸከፍ ከሚመራው ንቅናቄ ከግንቦት 7 ጋር እጅግ እውነት የማይመስሉ ድንቅ ስራዋችን በመስራት ጠማማውን በማቅናት ኮረብታውን በመደልደል አንድ መሆን ሳይችሉ ለአመታት ሲኳትኑ የነበሩትን በኢትዮጵያዊነት እንዲተሳሰሩ በማድረግ ፍቅር የሰራ ትልቁን መሰረት የጣለ ምርጥ የኢትዮጵ የቁርጥ ልጅ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ።
ዛሬ እሱ በማረፍያው ሰዓት አግባብ ባልሆነ መንገድ ከአውሬዋች እጅ ወድቆ ይህን መልዕክት አስተላልፏል። ለልጆቼ የማይሆን ተስፋ አልነግራቸውም።
ይሄ መልዕክት ኢትዮጵያን ለሚወዱ ሁሉ እጅግ የሚያም ነው ምክንያቱም እየከፈለ ያለው መሰዋት ለኛ ለኢትዮጵያኖች ስለሆነ።
አንዳርጋቸውን ከግንቦት 7፣ ግንቦት 7ን ከአንዳርጋቸው መነጠሉ የማይሞከር ነው ምክንያቱም ሀቁ የሚነግረን እሱና እሱን ከሚመስሉ ወንድሞች ጋር ታላቅ የሆነ ኢትዮጵያን የማዳን ራዕይ ሰንቀው በግድ ሳይሆን በፍቅር ተሳስረው አንዳይነት አላማ አንግበው ማድረግ ከሚችሉት በላይ ሌተቀን ደከመን ሰለቸን ሳይሉ ከማንም በላይ የየግል ህይወታቸውን መኖር እየቻሉ ያለመታከት ኢትዮጵያንና ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ታላቅ ለማድረግ የተሰለፉለት አላማ መሆኑ በግልፅ የሚታይ ሀቅ ስለሆነ።
ታድያ አንዳንዶች የኢትዮጵያዊነትን ካባ የለበሱ የሚመስሉ እየደረሰበት ያለውን ስቃይ በመኮነን ድንቅ ሰው ታላቅ ሰው መሆኑን አክለውበት ጀግናችን ነው ብለው ሲያበቁ አንዳርጋቸውና ንቅናቄው አምነውበት: በአሁን ሰአት ካለው የሀገራችን አንዲሁም የጎረቤት ሀገራት ሁኔታን በማጤን አማራጭ የሌለው መንገድ መሆኑን በመረዳት በትግል የዘረጉትን ገመድ በጥሶ ለመጣል ያስችለናል የሚሉትን የሰነፍ ስንቅ በመሰነቅ እየተሄደበት ያለውን መልካም መንገድ ፈንጂ የተጠመደበት በማስመሰል አንዳንዴ በዛበኩል ትግል ለሚያደርጉት ከልብ ያዘኑ በመምሰል አልሆን ሲላቸው ደግሞ በዛ በኩል የሚደረግ ጉዞ ለሀገር አደጋ አለው በማለት ነጋ ጠባ ያለ ህፍረት መከራቸውን ሲያዩ ስምለከት ከሚቆረጥላቸው አበል ጥቂቱን እንኳን ደጉሜ ነፃ ሰው ባደርጋቸው እልና ፀረ ትግልና ፀረ ነፃነት መሆናቸው ሲታወሰኝ ከእንዲህ አይነቱ ሱስና አመል ማላቀቁ ከአቅሜ በላይ መሆኑን ሳውቀው አንድላይ ደባልቆ ማሸቱን እመርጥና እተወዋለው።
በነገራችን ላይ ይሄ አባዜ በነዚህ እኩይ ተግባር ባላቸው ጥቂት ሰዋች ብቻም አይቀነቀንም ይልቁንም ለኢትዮጵያና ለኢትዮጵያዊነት ያለምንም ማወላወል አንገታቸውን ሊሰጡ በሚችሉ ሰዋችም ወቅት አየጠበቀ እንደሚያጓራ ዛር ሲያወራጫቸው ይስተውላል ታድያ የችግሩን መንስኤ ሳጠናው ፍቅር ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለው ፍቅር ደሞ እዚ ውስጥ ምን ከተተው ትሉኝ ይሆናል? ይሄኛው ወዲህ ነው አትጣበቅ እንጂ አንዴ ከተጣበክ አትታጠር እንጂ አንዴ አጥር ከሰራህ ማየትም መስማትም የምትፈልገው ያፈቀርከውን ብቻ ነው ወገኖቼ በድርጅት ፍቅር እንዳታብዱ የትም ስለማያደርስ :አንዴ ግን ከተለከፋቹ የተሰራው እናንተ ካልሰራችሁት የተጀመረው እናንተ ካልጀመራችሁት የታሰበው መልካም ሀሳብ ከናንተ ቀድሞ ካልፈለቀ ገደል አፋፍ ላይ ነፍስ ውጭ ነፍስ ግቢ ተይዛቹ እንኳን የማዳን እጅ ቢዘረጋ አይናቹ ማየት የለመደውና የምታፈቅሩት እጅ አለመሆኑን ስታውቁ መዳንን ትፀየፉታላቹ ገደል መግባቱን ትመርጣላቹ ስለዚ እውነት ሀገራችንን ማዳን ከፈለግን ሜዳው ሰፊ ነውና እኔ ካልባረኩት የሚለውን ፍሬ ከርስኪ ትተን ሌላውን ከመጎተት የተሻለ የምንለውን ሜዳ በመምረጥ ለሀገራችን አለኝታ እንሁን።
ሌላኛው ደግሞ እጅና እግሩ ተጠፍንጎ የታሰረበት ይመስል ከማሳየት ይልቅ ጥግ ይዞ የታላቹ፣ የት ገባቹ፣ ጦርነት የሆሊውድን ፊልም አይነት እየመሰው በከንቱ ምኞት መሬት ላይ ወርዶ ህይወቱን ለሀገሩ አሳልፎ ለመስጠት ነጋ ጠባ መከራውን የሚያየውን የነፃነቱን አርበኛ ከሶፋው ላይ ተደላድሎ ተቀምጦ እግሩን ጠረጴዛ ላይ ሰቅሎ ቢራውን እየተጎነጨ ከኮንፒውተር ጀርባ ሆኖ ሲከተክተው ይውላል ደሞ እፍረትም የለውም ትግላችን፣ የኛ ትግል፣ እያለ እየደጋገመ ሲናገር ይደመጣል እኔ ግን እላለው: መጀመርያ እጃችንን ከኪሳችን ታግለን ነፃ እናውጣው። ሀገራችንን ለማዳን የሚደረገውን ትግል ለመደገፍ ሰበብ አንደርድር።
በመጨረሻም አንድ ወዳጄ ለጨዋታ ባወረዳት ቅኔ ለጠቅ አድርጌም የኔንም የመልስ ምት አክዬ ልደምድም፣
እኔ እናገራለሁ ቆሜ ከፊታቹ
ጠሀይ አልወጣ አለች ከሰሜን ወርዳቹ
መልስ
የጠሀይን መውጫ ልብህ እያወቀው
ብላ ተኛ ሆነህ የቆረጠውን ሰው
በየትኛው ወኔነው የምትጠይቀው
ቅኔው የወዳጄ ሆና እሱ ባያቀነቅናትም ይህቺን ዘፈን ብዙዋች ይዘፍኗታል እስኪ ካስተማረች በተን ላድርጋት፣
ለመሆኑ የጠሀይ መውጫ በሰሜን ሆነ እንዴ? የኔ ጥያቄ ነው ጠሀይ በምስራቅ ወጥታ በምዕራብ ትጠልቃለች የወዳጄ ጠሀይ ግን :ከወትሮው ለየት አለችብኘ ለነገሩ ራቅ አድርገው ካሰቡት ጠሀይ በእድሜም የጠገበች እንደመሆኗ ተወዳጅነቷ ዋዛ እንደማይሆን አልጠራጠርም።
ወዳጄም የመናፈቅ ብዛት ሳያናግረው አልቀረም ስለዚህ ወንድሜ ጠሀይን እኛ አላገድናትም መውጫዋም በምስራቅ ነው እኛ ግን መንደርደርያ የለንምና በሰሜን ከተናል ባይሆን ባገኘናት እድል ተጠቅመን ከሰሜን ተነስተን የጠፋችብህን ጠሀይ ከዚህ ሰፈር ሳይሆን ሰፈሯ ድረስ በመምጣት ብቅ እንድትል ማረጋችን እንደማይቀር ላረጋግጥልህ እወዳለሁ የምትቸኩል ትዕግስት የሌለህ ከሆነ ግን ጠሀይ ብቅ እንድትል ስትፈልግ በደቡብ፣ ስትፈልግ በምዕራብ፣ የሚያስጠጋህ ከገኘህ በዛ በኩል ሞክር።
ምስራቁ ቅርብ ነውና ባትደላደል እንኳን ጫፍ የሚያስይዝህ ካገኘህ ያው መደወል አትወድም ምልክት አድርግልኝ ያለህበት ድረስ መጥቼ እቀላቀልሀለው እውነቴነው የምልህ ጠሀይቱ እናቴ ጋር እስካደረሰኘ ድረስ የማልቆፍረው ገድጓድ የማልወጣበት ተራራ፣ የማልሞክረው አቋራጭ አይኖርም።
በሰሜን የከተቱት ብዙ ጊዜ ተጠይቀው ሲመልሱት ካደመጥኩት ቅንጭብ የተወሰደ ነው በሚል ይያዝልኝ።
ስለዚ መጠላለፉን ትተን የምንችለውን እናድርግ ያ ከሆነ ትግሉን መሬት ላይ አውርዶ እየሰራ ያለውም በአየር ላይ ያለውም በመጨረሻዋ ቀን የነፃነቷ ጠሀይ በሀገራችን ስትወጣ እኩል ይቋደሳሉና።
ይህንን ለመፃፍ ያነሳሳኝ “ለልጆቼ የማይሆን ተስፋ አልነግራቸውም” የሚለው የጀግናው ታጋይ የአንዳርጋቸው ንግግር መሆኑነ አሰምርበታለሁ።
በዘገየን መጠን የምናጣው ይበዛልና ባለመጠላለፍ ወደፊት እንሂድ፣ እኔ የሁሉም ነኝ የተሻለ አማራጭ ያለው ይገዛኛል።
ኢትዮጵያ ለዘላላም በክብር ትኑር!
እናቸንፋለን!
ልጅ አያሌው